6 That is not to say the policy was popular. Within the Cabinets and Caucuses of both  National  and  Labour  the  policies  were  tremendously  controversial  for  the basic reason that significant elements of the population were downright opposed to all these developments or uneasy about them. I wrote in 1992 when fresh from Treaty endeavours in Government: “Disguised  prejudice  is  never  far  from  the  surface  in  New  Zealand,  whenever  there  is debate  on  Maori  matters.  There  is  a  dark  and  unpleasant  underside  to  the  New  Zealand psyche when questions of race are confronted. These things I learned only by exposure to the issues at the sharp end.  For much of the time the truth is disguised under the egalitarian exterior of New Zealanders.”³   7 I went on to say that there was also much that was admirable in New Zealand race relations and that New Zealand has been much more successful in this regard than many  other  societies.  I  thought  then  and  I  still  think  now  that  the  most  serious challenge New Zealand faces is to avoid having a permanent underclass defined by race. 8 In  the  peculiar  constitutional  framework  of  New  Zealand  the  protection  for minorities against the tyranny of the majority is not well developed.  My theory in making the policy changes for which I had some responsibility was to attempt to honour the undertakings of the Treaty and to develop a modern policy framework.   I thought this would promote a sense of justice among Maori and give them an increased  stake  in  society.  Such  an  effort  would  act  as  an  insurance  against marginalization  and  majority  tyranny.  A  lot  was  achieved  in  the  decade  1985- 1996 and most of it was controversial. But now in 2006 the level of controversy is so high that it seems further steps are at an end, at least for the time being.   9 The  implicit  bipartisan  approach  that  used  to  characterise  these  issues  has  been shattered.  It was inevitable this would occur in a democracy, especially an MMP democracy with all significant viewpoints represented in the political marketplace.   However,  it  is  better  to  have  these  attitudes  out  there  in  the  open  rather  than hidden.  Closet assumptions are never a firm foundation for progress.                                                     3   Geoffrey Palmer New Zealand’s Constitution in Crisis (John McIndoe, Dunedin, 1992) 74. This is part of a chapter entitled “A Maori Constitutional Revolution” that gives my views at greater length on Treaty issues in the fourth Labour Government.